(1994). Domestic Violence against Latinas by Latino Males: An Analysis
of Race, National Origin, and Gender Differentials. Boston College
Third World Journal, 14, (p.231).
the domestic violence movement has not taken into account the needs
of the Latino community. Policies formulated without taking these needs
into account may actually place Latinas in danger. Extensive educational
efforts must be linked to mandatory arrest policies to inform the community
of the policy as well as the duties imposed on the police. Faith and
trust must be established by having the police work with well-recognized
Latina activists and organizations. Latinas face multiple barriers because
of their race, national origin and gender. This multiple discrimination
factors into how Latinas experience and respond to domestic violence.
Institutional racism and patriarchal structures are interrelated in
the experience of Latinas. A reform movement that recognizes these realities
and experiences will acknowledge the need to work in unison, but only
from a strong base. Latino community-based organizations must be strengthened
and provided with the financial and political flexibility to develop
and establish domestic violence shelters and services. The Latino community
must prioritize domestic violence initiatives. The lives of women and
the well-being of an entire community depend on it.
(1995). The Politics of Invisibility. Georgetown Journal on
Fighting Poverty, 3(1), (pp.61-65).
of the rapid growth of the Latino population in the United States, economic
equality continues to be a dream for most Latinos. Latina women have
carried a great deal of the burden associated with pervasive poverty
and inequality. Latinas are invisible to the majority population. When
recognized, they are viewed as mothers and not as workers, political
participants, and leaders. For Latinas, gender-based violence is part
of a spectrum of oppression. Effective legislative solutions must be
based on a recognition of Latina-specific realities. Elected and appointed
officials may be biased against Latina women, and these biases impact
negatively on Latinas seeking assistance in domestic violence situations.
Efforts to educate law enforcement personnel must address gender-based
discrimination and the challenges confronting Latinas in their efforts
to obtain legal protection from abusers. The lack of translation and
culturally appropriate services exacerbate the isolation and discomfort
Latinas experience when seeking help within the judicial system. There
are only a few Latina-based, bilingual, bicultural shelter programs
nationally. Advocates, activists, legislators and policy makers face
the challenge of designing and enacting legislation that responds to
the specific challenges faced by Latinas and other women of color. The
politics of invisibility cannot distract policy makers from the goal
of providing opportunity and access for all women.
(1995). Puerto Ricos Domestic Violence Prevention and Intervention
Law and the United States Violence Against Women Act of 1994: The Limitations
of Legislative Responses. Columbia Journal of Gender and Law,
Volume 5.1 (pp. 78-126).
considers the current and potential successes, as well as the limitations,
of two recently enacted statutes to address intimates violence
against women: Puerto Ricos domestic violence law and the United
States federal anti-violence legislation. Although Puerto Ricos
Domestic Violence Prevention and Intervention Law, commonly referred
to as "Law 54," and the United States Violence Against
Women Act (VAWA) reflect distinct jurisdictional and cultural concerns,
they adopt similar remedial goals and mechanisms for addressing violence
against women. Both embrace criminalization of domestic violence and
prescribe criminal and civil sanctions for the abuser. These legislative
efforts have had significant, albeit limited, success in curbing such
violence because of deep-rooted gender inequalities in the legal system
and legal discourse on domestic violence. This article proposes that
effective legislation recognizes each womans individuality and
her entitlement to full participation in society as an equal. The ultimate
success and utility of legislation depends upon its integration into
the legal framework and the political discourse on violence against
women. Where that integration is tainted by or constructed pursuant
to presumptions founded on gender biases about women and violence against
women, legislation will face serious obstacles, and will provide only
partial remedies for women. However, where the legislative focus is
the safety and autonomy of women, a wider range of success is possible.
In the case of both laws, their ultimate value can only be measured
by the successes and failures of their implementation.
(1996). The Violence Against Women Act and the Construction of Multiple
Consciousness in the Civil Rights and Feminist Movements. Journal
of Law and Policy, (pp. 463-511).
asserts that while the enactment of the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA)
in 1994 was an undeniable victory for feminism, and as such served as
a vehicle for a sophisticated national discourse on violence between
intimate partners, the passage of VAWA was also a civil rights victory.
VAWA represents an important opportunity for civil rights activists
and feminists to identify common goals and philosophies of their respective
social and legal reform movements, and an opportunity to convert their
doctrines into practice through joint action. The first part of this
article provides a brief overview of the common, yet conflicting, history
of the civil rights movements. It provides examples of the way the current
political climate threatens to dismantle the hard-won advances of both
movements and, simultaneously, serves as an impetus to unite the two
around common goals. The author concludes by urging civil rights and
feminist activists to expand and equalize their collaborative efforts
and apply their respective social reform doctrines to each others
struggles. It further encourages activists to maximize VAWAs potential
for reform by aggressively utilizing its remedies, calling for enactment
and enforcement of those provisions which take account of the particular
needs of women of color and immigrant women, and combining the two movements
considerable experience and strengths to end the multiple forms of intimate
partner violence against women.
(1997-1998). Preliminary report: Availability of Domestic Violence
Services for Latina Survivors in New York State. In the Public
Interest, 16, (pp.1-32).
examines the availability and standard of services provided for Hispanic
American women in New York State who are victims of domestic violence.
Her analysis is based on preliminary results of the initial stages of
a study began in 1997 by the New York State Spanish Domestic Violence
Hotline Advisory Committee to determine the availability of existing
domestic violence services for Latinas in the state. She discusses the
incidence of domestic violence in the Latina community in New York State
and the state's domestic violence legislative and regulatory mandates
applicable to service providers. In addition, she examines the methodology
of the advisory committee's study and its findings and considers possible
conclusions that can be drawn from the study and policy concerns that
it raises. She points out that domestic violence programs in the state
are underfunded and she notes the particular effect of this on Latinas,
and she makes various recommendations based on the preliminary findings
from the Advisory committee's study.
(1998). Intimate Partner Violence Strategies: Models for Community
Participation. Maine Law Review, Volume 50.283 (pp. 283-308).
suggests that the current framework for transforming community norms
into legislation and policy directives is unable to provide an avenue
for communities historically absent or excluded from the legislative
process. While feminist methodology and philosophy seeks to reflect
and produce social and legal strategies authentically based on womens
experiences, antiviolence legislation has yet to fully reflect and address
the views and priorities of communities of color, and women of color
specifically. Part I of this article discusses the need for a different
approach to legislative and social policy decision-making, so as to
facilitate and maximize community-developed strategies within a democratic
government system. This part discusses the difficulty of historically
ignored and suppressed communities, specifically the Latino community.
Part II of this article describes three existing models for community
representation, within a democratic process, for communities that are
historically underrepresented and misrepresented in the existing democratic
governing structure of the United States. All models are committed to
the empowerment of its members/participants and the Latinas who are
the subject of the models work. The three are leadership models
for social reform.
M., Szkupinski, S. & Bauer, H. (1996). Breaking the Silence: Battered
Womens Perspectives on Medical Care. Archives of Family Medicine,
Volume 5 (pp. 150-153). American Medical Association.
study sought to determine the barriers to identification and management
of domestic violence in the health care system from the battered womans
perspective. Fifty-one women with histories of domestic violence took
part through eight focus groups divided into Latino, White, Asian and
African-American participants. Participants from all ethnic groups identified
major factors that affect identification and management of battered
women in the health care setting. Factors that interfere with patient
disclosure included threats of violence from the partner, embarrassment,
adherence to gender roles, concerns about police involvement, and lack
of trust in the health care provider. The researchers concluded that
many battered women experience social, institutional, and provider barriers
to obtaining help from the health care system for problems related to
domestic violence. Providers, as well as institutions, can overcome
these barriers through an understanding of the social context of domestic
violence and the victims needs. Identification may be improved
through a trusting patient-provider relationship and by direct questioning
about domestic violence.
M.A., Bauer, H.M., Flores-Ortiz, Y., & Szkupinski-Quiroga, S. (1998).
Factors Affecting Patient-Physician Communication for Abused Latina and
Asian Immigrant Women. Journal of Family Practice, 47(4), (p.309).
violence is one of today's most serious health issues. Abused Latina
and Asian immigrant women face unique barriers to the discussion of
abuse with health care providers. This research was undertaken to identify
any provider-related factors that may affect patient-provider communication
for these women. The study participants identified the provider behaviors
that demonstrate trust, compassion, and understanding as elements that
improve patient-provider communication. In addition, participants wanted
providers to initiate discussions about partner abuse.
R. (1993). Violence in Transience: Nursing Care of Migrant Battered
Women. AWHONNs Clinical Issues in Perinatal and Womens
Health Nursing. [Abstract Forthcoming].
R. (1994). Forgotten Pain: Migrant Farmworker Women and Domestic Violence.
Violence Update, 4(10), (pp.9-11). [Abstract Forthcoming].
R. (1998). Clinical Interventions with Battered Migrant Farm Worker
Women. In Jacquelyn C. Campbell (Ed.). Empowering Survivors of
Abuse: Health Care for Battered Women and Their Children, 22, (pp.
271-279). Sage Publications.
provides a description of the general conditions of migrant life as
the foundation for understanding the scope of the problem of domestic
violence faced by migrant farm worker women and their families. The
author also provides information about the strategies that currently
are being development to assist these migrant farm workers. Data regarding
the presence of domestic violence in relationships among migrant workers
have only recently become available. The development of the Practice-Based
Research Network (PBRN) on Family Violence in 1994 has been primarily
responsible for the data that have been generated to date. Building
on the development of the PBRN, as well as the experiences of the Lideres
Campesinas project in California and Unidos Against Domestic Violence
in Wisconsin, a new project has been proposed that will create a truly
comprehensive approach to practice, research and community outreach
for domestic violence among migrant farm worker populations. The author
envisions the creation of a safety net for battered migrant farm worker
women that will extend beyond traditional health care and other institutional
settings and into migrant communities and households. In this way, a
woman will be assured of finding knowledgeable, caring individuals who
can guide her to resources regardless of her circumstances.
R. (1999). The Power of the Collective: Battered Migrant Farmworker
Women Creating Safe Spaces. Health Care for Women International,
20(4), (pp.417-426). [Abstract Forthcoming].