Author's Last Name
Sagot, M. (2005). The critical path of women affected by family violence in Latin America: Case studies from 10 countries. Violence Against Women, 11 (10), 1292-1318.
This qualitative research examined the actions taken by women who suffer violence, the answers they found in their search for help, the obstacles they encountered, and the availability and quality of services. A total of 900 people were interviewed in 10 Latin American countries. Factors that influence women to get help are support from close persons, favorable economic or material conditions, good information,n and existence of appropriate services that respond to women’s needs and expectations. Among the most important elements that inhibit the search for help are inadequate institutional responses. If victims are treated in an insensitive manner, interactions with service providers can magnify their feelings of powerlessness, shame, and guilt.
Saltijeral, M.T., Ramos, L., & Caballero, M.A. (1998). "Las
mujeres que han sido víctimas de maltrato conyugal: Tipos de
violencia experimentada y algunos efectos en la salud mental" [Maritally
Abused Women: Types of Violence and its Effects on Mental Health]. Salud
Mental, 21(2), 10-18.
This article explores the types of violence and mental health effects
suffered by battered women. Battering is conceptualized as a recurrent
pattern of physical, psychological or sexual abuse that a man exerts
against his wife, and which manifests itself as emotional states in
the wife, such as fear and a sense of vulnerability. The authors review
different models that have been proposed to explain the dynamics of
this violence and also present the results of research being developed
in this area. The authors also interviewed 4 female subjects (aged 29-35
years) who sought help regarding their experiences of violence. The
transcripts from the participants’ audiotaped interviews were
analyzed trying to construct some categories related with the types
of violence experienced and their effects on mental health. The subjects'
testimonies showed that physical violence was present in different actions,
such as pushing, punching, and slapping. Women also mentioned sexual
violence, particularly when they were forced to have sex after a battering
episode. In the case of psychological violence, some of the most frequent
types were threats, insults, and humiliations. Subjects also spoke regarding
the mental health effects they suffered as a consequence of the violence
they endured. ((c) 1998 APA/PsycINFO, all rights reserved)
Silverman, J., Mesh, C. M., Cuthbert, C. V., Slote, K., & Bancroft, L. (2004). Child custody determinants in cases involving intimate partner violence (IPV): A human rights analysis. American Journal of Public Health, 94(6), 951-957.
The author presents the results of a study conducted with battered women in the state of Massachusetts regarding human rights violations by the state. The study consisted of 39 participants, 5% Latinas, from 10 of the 13 state family courts. The study found a consisted pattern of potential human rights violations by the state against the women and their children. Such violations included 1) granting or recommending parental rights to men who had used violence; 2) granting or recommending unsupervised visitation to men who had used violence; 3) failing to consider evidence of intimate partner violence in disputed child custody cases; 4) and failing to investigate allegations of child abuse in cases of disputed child custody.
Smith, A., Winokur, K., & Palenski, J. (2005). What is dating violence? An exploratory study of Hispanic adolescent definitions. Journal of Ethnicity in Criminal Justice, 3(1/2), 1-20.
An exploratory study was conducted to explore Hispanic adolescents’ definitions of dating violence and to examine factors that might impact those definitions. The study consisted of a survey administered to a predominantly Hispanic public high school in 1999. A total of 182 students participated and 94% reported being of Hispanic origin. 30% of the respondents defined dating violence in terms of physical or forced contact such as beating or striking a date. 16% of respondents believed that physical or verbal abuse was acceptable in the dating relationship. A large number of respondents reported a list of approved violence in instances of disobedience, private and public insults, and drunkenness, refusal of sex, infidelity, and self-defense. As expected, boys defined violence in more severe terms than girls. Girls were more likely to define dating violence in terms of mental abuse, verbal abuse, harassment, and screaming. According to the authors, an interesting finding suggests that boys and girls use a moral code to approve of dating violence based on certain circumstances. The authors recommend more in depth research exploring the cultural norms that may be important factors in defining dating violence and the differences among the different ethnicities that comprise Hispanics.
Sorensen, S. B., (1996). "Violence against women: Examining ethnic
differences and commonalities." Evaluation Review, 20(2),
Investigated cultural differences and similarities in the options that
a woman perceives, the help she seeks, and the nature and scope of violence
she experiences in intimate relationship using a group discussion format.
African American, Anglo-American, Asian American and Mexican American
participants comprised 12 ethnic specific focus groups. Central themes
discussed included intersection of gender and ethnicity, immigration
as a challenge to family cultural history, the role of social institutions,
family and friends, and the range of violent experiences and their outcomes,
including psychological and economic consequences. Observations relevant
to research, policy, and service provision are offered. (PsycLIT Database
Copyright 1997, American Psychological Association, all rights reserved).
Sorenson, S.B. & Telles, C.A. (1991). "Self-Reports of Spousal
Violence in a Mexican- American and Non-Hispanic White Population."
Violence and Victims, 6(1), 3-15.
As part of survey of Los Angeles households, 1,243 Mexican Americans
and 1,149 non-Hispanic whites were surveyed about their experiences
of spousal violence. Questions to assess violence included both perpetration
(whether they had been physically violent toward a partner) and victimization
(whether they had been the victim of sexual assault by a partner). Over
one-fifth (21.2%) of the respondents indicated that they had, at one
or more times in their lives, hit or thrown things at their current
or former spouse or partner. Spousal violence rates for Mexican Americans
born in Mexico and non-Hispanic whites born in the United States were
nearly equivalent (20.0% and 21.6%, respectively); rates were highest
for Mexican-Americans born in the United States (30.9%). While overall
rates of sexual assault were lower for Mexican-Americans, one-third
of the most recent incidents reported by Mexico-born Mexican-American
women involved the husband and approximate rape.
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